Der erste Tag des Generalstreiks hat das öffentliche Leben in Khartoum weitgehend lahmgelegt. Mehrere Personen verloren ihr Leben.
Public transport was barely functioning and most commercial banks, private companies and markets were shut, though some state banks and public utility offices were open. […]
On Sunday, protesters gathered tyres, tree trunks and rocks to build new roadblocks in Khartoum’s northern Bahari district, an unnamed witness told AFP news agency, but riot police swiftly moved in and fired tear gas to disperse the crowd. „Almost all internal roads of Bahari have roadblocks. Protesters are even stopping residents from going to work,“ said the witness.
Die Stadt befindet sich fest im Griff des Militärs, das Internet ist abgeschaltet, zahlreiche Menschen wurden verhaftet.
The Rapid Support Forces, the notorious paramilitary group that led last Monday’s bloodshed, has an iron grip on the city. On major streets, soldiers cluster under trees or lounge around pickup trucks mounted with machine guns. In the south of the city, dozens of military vehicles line the inside wall of a sports stadium. Dozens more are parked in a nearby recreational park.
Emirati-made armored vehicles patrol the streets of Khartoum. The Saudis and Emiratis have pledged $3 billion in aid to prop up the ailing Sudanese economy. Hemeti flew to Riyadh to meet the Saudi crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, last month.
Saudi and Emirati cargo planes have landed at Khartoum airport in recent weeks, apparently bearing military matériel, said Siddig Abufawaz, a former airline pilot now in the opposition.
“They offloaded a lot of heavy boxes and some military vehicles,” he said.
Faced with overwhelming force, and the evident ruthlessness of the Rapid Support Forces, the protesters, most of them young Sudanese and led by doctors and other professionals, have gone underground.
The internet blackout is hurting them badly.
Activists say that professionals including bankers, doctors, air traffic control staff, pilots, electrical engineers and economists have been targeted by intelligence services in what they say is an obvious attempt to break the strike.
The central bank issued a statement that said it would not go on strike, but many employees stayed away.
“I am on strike along with many other employees at the bank, I think there are [a] few of our colleagues didn’t go on strike but they sold the blood of the martyrs … I don’t care even if they kick me out. God will decide,” one told the Guardian.
The SPA said airport workers and pilots were taking part in the civil disobedience, and posted photos of a deserted Khartoum international airport.
“Dozens of airport workers have been arrested by intelligence and the RSF since Monday. We do not know their whereabouts,” an airport worker said on condition of anonymity, fearing reprisal.
Activists said the total number of people detained by security services in recent days was unclear but was probably in the hundreds.
Ob nach den Vermittlungsbemühungen des äthiopischen Ministerpräsidenten Abiy Ahmed neue Verhandlungen in Gang kommen, ist noch Gegenstand von Spekulationen. Zunächst waren mindestens zwei Repräsentanten der Opposition, die mit Abiy Ahmed gesprochen hatten, verhaftet worden.
Waleed Madibo, from the Sudan Policy Forum, said the campaign is unlikely to bring down the TMC, but it could divide its leaders.
„By using violence as an imperative, it [the military] left the civic society no option but to go through with civil disobedience. They’re already rounding up political dissidents, they started assassinating leaders of the sit-in, and by doing so the Transitional Military Council has totally eliminated any chance of a political outcome,“ Madibo told Al Jazeera.
In einem Beitrag auf Al Jazeera fasst Nanjala Nyabola die Lage des Sudan im Netz geopolitischer Interessen zusammen und resümiert: „We are alone“.
The immediate trigger for the protests was the bankruptcy of the Sudanese state. Unable to provide the largesse needed to pacify dissent, former president Omar al-Bashir’s regime raised taxes and prices on basic goods. The people demanded bread and more – civilian rule, freedom and dignity. And for the first few months, the people were winning, first pushing al-Bashir to step down and then forcing his successor, the TMC, into concession after concession.
Perhaps sensing this shift in power, the TMC turned to backers in the Gulf. Causation is difficult to prove, but the correlation is strong. The escalation in violence followed visits by Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of the TMC, and his deputy, Mohammed Hamdan Dagalo, also known as Hemeti, to the UAE and Saudi Arabia. Sudan represents a significant if not major geopolitical interest for both regimes which are stuck in a jostle for regional influence with Iran, Qatar and Turkey. After whatever happened in Abu Dhabi and Riyadh, al-Burhan and especially Hemeti returned to Sudan emboldened.
Meanwhile, the US is paralysed between its own disdain for multilateralism and an unwillingness to take the lead in preventing another potential war in another corner of the world. National Security Advisor John Bolton openly loathes the UN system, and the Trump administration has over the last three years made several cuts to its funding for the organisation.
Washington’s ties with Saudi Arabia also give pause. A report on a recent meeting between a high-ranking US diplomat based in Khartoum and senior State Department officials suggest that the US might allow Saudi interests to prevail in Sudan.
By now the European Union has sacrificed its moral standing in Sudan over its interests in stemming migration from East Africa, having previously extended financial support for al-Bashir, which was allegedly mostly used to strengthen his security apparatus, and now appearing to tacitly support the TMC.
The AU, for its part, has at least taken a decisive step, although it must grapple with its recent history of shielding al-Bashir and Hemeti from international prosecution for committing crimes in Darfur.
So, what can multilateral organisations do about Sudan? Not a whole lot. Since 1997 Sudan has been subjected to a cocktail of sanctions that only served to tilt the balance of power towards the military at the expense of civilian politics. Intervention is also out of the question. After what happened in Libya – which also had an oversized military and weak state institutions – there is substantial fear that outside military involvement could precipitate another civil war in Sudan and bring more chaos to the region.