„Ab heute sind Italien und Malta nicht mehr alleine, wir sind das Tor zu Europa“, hatte die italienische Innenministerin Luciana Lamorgese nach dem Malta-Treffen mit ihren Kollegen aus Deutschland, Frankreich und Malta Ende September noch zuversichtlich verkündet. Und der gewendete Seehofer hatte ergänzt, dass der in Valetta konzipierte Verteilungsplan „den Weg für die Revision der gemeinsamen europäischen Asylpolitik ebnen würde“.

Ganz so wörtlich wollte er kurz vor dem gestrigen EU-Ministertreffen in Brüssel nicht mehr genommen werden. Stattdessen stapelte er tief: das Thema stehe gar nicht auf der Tagesordnung, sondern man würde sich in der Mittagspause darüber austauschen, das Abkommen sei mehr oder weniger unverbindlich, und wenn die Zahl der in Italien oder Malta anlandenden Geflüchteten anstiege, würde auch Deutschland sofort seine Zusage aufkündigen, ein Viertel der Migrant*innen aufzunehmen.

Was schert mich mein Geschwätz von gestern, scheint zur politischen Maxime Seehofers zu werden. Gestern war Malta, da ging es noch darum, die neu gewählte italienische Regierung gegen Salvini im Sattel zu halten. Zu dem Zeitpunkt konnte sich selbst ein Horst Seehofer wohl nicht vorstellen, dass Trump die US-Truppen aus Syrien tatsächlich abziehen würde, wohl wissend dass er Erdoğan damit freies Spiel ließ.

Der hatte erstmals im Dezember 2018 angekündigt und zu jeder Gelegenheit wiederholt, dass er türkische Truppen in die Region um Rojava einmarschieren lassen wolle. Und unlängst der EU gedroht, dass er den Hunderttausenden von Syrern, die nur darauf warteten, nach Europa über zusetzen, keinen Stein in den Weg legen würde, wenn die EU die militärische Offensive in Nordsyrien als Invasion verurteilen würde.

Ob die hochgestochenen Dankesworte und die Millionenbeträge, die der deutsche Innenminister bei seinem Besuch am 3. Okotber in der Türkei angeboten hat, ausreichen, um Erdoğan davon abzuhalten, die EU auch in Zukunft unter Druck zu setzen, ist mehr als fraglich. Die EU hat sich in der Flüchtlingspolitik erpressbar gemacht, aus welchem Grund sollte Erdoğan den Preis nicht weiter in die Höhe treiben?

Offensichtlich ist vielmehr, dass Seehofer angesichts einer möglichen Revitalisierung der Balkanroute in gewohnter Weise auf die Festung Europa – sprich Sicherung der Außengrenzen auch mit Hilfe von Diktatoren –  setzt und diesen restriktiven Kurs zu kaschieren versucht, indem er für die zentrale Mittelmeerroute humanitäre Verteilungsschlüssel vorschlägt, die nichts kosten. Verteilungsschlüssel, die jeder Zeit widerrufen werden können, Verteilungsschlüssel, die nur für Geflüchtete gelten, die von NGOs gerettet worden sind, deren Boote im Moment vor allem beschlagnahmt sind.

Die taktischen Spielchen des deutschen Innenministers werden sein Image nicht aufpolieren. Wenn er es ernst meint, sollte er kurzfristig dafür sorgen, dass endlich die Beschlagnahme der zivilen Rettungsboote aufgehoben wird, damit nicht noch mehr Migrant*innen auf dem Weg nach Europa ertrinken, und im übrigen politisch legale Fluchtwege nach Europa ermöglichen, damit die Suche nach einem besseren Leben nicht tödlich endet.

Joint press release of the Palermo Charter Platform Process on the results of the EU Summit of Home Affairs Ministers on 23 September in Malta and the consequent negotiations on 8 October in Luxembourg

The Malta Agreement („agreement on temporary reception and distribution mechanism“) is not a hard-won solution, but nothing more than a partial emergency relief. We, European civil society initiatives and networks, mayors of European cities and search and rescue non-governmental organizations, demand a real solution that is adequate to the scale of the humanitarian crisis in the Mediterranean Sea.

Over 15.000 people have died in the Mediterranean Sea in the last five years. “Every single person is one too many,“ says Alessandra Sciurba from Mediterranea. „When we receive distress calls from people on boats, they fear both to drown and to be returned to Libya. The outsourcing of EU border control to Libyan forces and mass interceptions at sea have to stop,“ demands Maurice Stierl from WatchTheMed Alarm Phone. “ The establishment of an operational and sustainable European rescue mission is absolutely necessary in order to prevent deaths in the Mediterranean Sea. Sadly, it is still missing in the Malta agreement”, adds Sciurba.

The deal signed in Malta is disingenuous, as it ignores the fact that many civil rescue ships are either blocked or confiscated by state authorities. Additionally, it does not address the situation into which merchant ships are forced. “ Future relocation mechanisms must take them into account in order to prevent further cases of non-assistance and illegal push backs to Libya. Who is going to be responsible for setting up a rescue mission that corresponds to the scope of the crisis? Frankly, the proposed measures fall short of our mildest expectations.“ admits Oliver Kulikowski from Sea-Watch.

The temporary disembarkation agreement does not in any sense address the main cause of flight – the Libyan detention camps. The EU refuses, time and again, to come up with any viable solution for the people caught in the crossfire of the Libyan civil war. “The collaboration between the EU and the criminal Libyan Coast Guard results in illegal push-backs banned by international law. This is not a solution: it makes the unbearable situation of the refugees trapped in Libya even worse,” claims Alina Lyapina from the German movement Seebruecke. “We demand an immediate and direct evacuation of all refugees from the Libyan detention camps to Europe. Anything less than that is unacceptable to us,” she continues.

We emphasize that the large reception capacities of European cities must be taken into account. In Germany alone, over 100 cities and municipalities are willing to take in refugees. “For us, saving lives at sea or, really, anywhere is not simply an act of goodwill. Providing aid to those in need is an integral part of the society we want to live in, that is based on transnational solidarity, universal human rights, acceptance and global openness,” declares Stephan Neher, Mayor of the German city of Rottenburg on Neckar.

The awful tragedies in the Mediterranean Sea and in Moria can be avoided in a simple way: we call on the EU states to remove all restrictions on civil society and cities’ initiatives on migration policy. We want to act responsibly, welcome the rescued and treat them with dignity and respect. “If they seek a new home, we are ready to offer them one – in our
communities. They can be Neapolitans, Palermitans, Berliners or Barcelonians if they want to.” concludes Luigi de Magistris, Mayor of Naples.

Contacts:

What is Palermo Charter Platform Process?

We are humanitarian and rescue NGOs, civil society organisations and activist groups, including Sea-Watch, Alarm Phone, Mediterranea, Seebrücke, Aita Mari, Jugend Rettet, Borderline Europe, Inura, Open Arms and Welcome to Europe, as well as the representatives of several European cities and municipalities, such as Naples, Barcelona and Palermo, all united under the slogan “From the Sea to the Cities!” Our network was born in Palermo in 2018 in the spirit of the Charter of Palermo, with its central demand for the right to mobility. We demand a de-confiscation of all civil rescue ships, an end to the criminalization of sea rescue and solidarity, an immediate stop to the EU collaboration with Libya and other “third countries” involved in severe human rights violations. Instead, we advocate for the “Corridors of Solidarity” – relocation and distribution of refugees and migrants to the countries of their desired destination – while drawing inspiration from the work of solidarity and sanctuary cities all over Europe.

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Siehe dazu Statewatch | 27.09.2019

The „temporary solidarity mechanism“ on relocation of people rescued at sea – what does it say?

Germany, France, Italy and Malta have drafted a declaration (pdf) establishing a „predictable and efficient temporary solidarity mechanism“ aimed at ensuring the „dignified disembarkation“ of people rescued at sea in the Mediterranean. If those rescued are eligible for international protection they will be relocated to a participating EU member state within four weeks, while ineligible persons will be subject to „effective and quick return.“

The mechanism set out in the declaration is designed to address „the need to protect human life and provide assistance to any person in distress,“ whilst preventing the emergence of any new irregular maritime routes into the EU. All signatories will be obliged to call on other EU and Schengen Member States to participate. Offers – or refusals – to do so are expected to come at the Justice and Home Affairs Council in Luxembourg on 8 October.

The mechanism

Signatories to the declaration will have to ensure that persons rescued on the high seas are disembarked „in a place of safety“. Member states may also „offer an alternative place of safety on a voluntary basis“. Where rescue is carried out by a state-owned vessel, disembarkation will take place in the territory of the flag State.

Following disembarkation, participating states should provide „swift relocation, which should not take longer than 4 weeks“, a process which will be coordinated by the European Commission – as has been the case with recent voluntary relocations following rescue at sea.

The declaration requires participating states to declare pledges for relocation prior to disembarkation and „as a minimum, security and medical screening of all migrants and other relevant measures.“ This should be based on „standard operating procedures, building on and improving existing practices by streamlining procedures and the full use of EURODAC,“ the EU database of asylum-seekers‘ fingerprints, with „support of EU Agencies, e.g. on EURODAC registration and initial interviewing.“

It is unknown to which standard operating procedures the text refers (Statewatch has previously published those applicable in the Italian ‚hotspots‘ (pdf)), nor what precisely „streamlining procedures“ may entail for individuals seeking international protection.

EU agencies Europol, Frontex and the European Asylum Support Office (EASO) are present in the Greek hotspots, where detainees are not provided (pdf) with either interpreters or adequate information on removal procedures; and those in Italy, where the EU’s own Fundamental Rights Agency has identified (pdf) a number of serious problems.

States may cease participation in the mechanism in cases of „disproportionate migratory pressure,“ to be calculated using two rather vague criteria: „limitations in reception capacities or a high number of applications for international protection.“ There is no further detail on how these will be determined.

The mechanism will be valid for no less than six months and may be renewed, although it could be terminated „in the case of misuse by third parties“, a term with no further explanation. Furthermore, if within six months the number of relocated people rises „substantially“, consultations between participating member states will begin – during which „the entire mechanism might be suspended.“

At the same time, the text calls for „advance on the reform of the Common European Asylum System,“ which should provide a binding and permanent mechanism – if the member states can ever agree on such rules.

The announcement on the signing of the declaration by the four member states was welcomed by Amnesty International. Eva Geddie, Director of the European Institutions Office, said: „We hope this mechanism will put an end to the obscene spectacle of people left stranded on boats for weeks waiting to know where, or even if, they can disembark.“ The President of the European Parliament also welcomed the news. The devil, however, may be in the detail.

Return as a priority

Return „immediately after disembarkation,“ where applicable, is one of the commitments set out in paragraph 4. This seems to imply that some form of asylum assessment will take place at sea, an idea that has previously been dismissed as illegal and unworkable.

Return is emphasised as a priority again in paragraph 7, which recalls the operational support role of both Frontex and the International Organisation for Migration (IOM) in „the effective and quick return of those not eligible to international protection in the EU“.

The use of „appropriate leverages, to ensure full cooperation of countries of origin,“ is encouraged. Using aid and trade policy as ‚incentives‘ for non-EU states to readmit their own nationals has for some years now been high on the policy agenda.

Doublethink ahoy

The declaration also sets out certain requirements for „all vessels engaged in rescue operations“, including „not to send light signals or any other form of communication to facilitate the departure and embarkation of vessels carrying migrants from African shores“ and:

„not to obstruct the Search and Rescue operations by official Coast Guard vessels, including the Libyan Coast Guard, and to provide for specific measures to safeguard the security of migrants and operators.“
Whether ‚rescue‘ by the Libyan Coast Guard is compatible with „the security of migrants“ is doubtful – return to Libya means a return to inhumane and degrading conditions and there is clear evidence of the Libyan Coast

Guard knowingly endangering the lives of migrants in distress at sea.

EU governments are well aware of these issues. A recent document sent to national delegations by the Finnish Presidency of the Council highlighted that:

„Another major issue is that of migrants and refugees rescued or intercepted at sea being transferred to detention centres and the lack of traceability, transparency and accountability… The Libyan government has not taken steps to improve the situation in the centres. The government’s reluctance to address the problems raises the question of its own involvement.“

Beefing up the Libyan Coast Guard and aerial surveillance

The increasing role of the Libyan Coast Guard – and the maritime agencies of other states such as Morocco – is being deliberately enhanced by the EU. Finance and training is being provided whilst national governments are placing increasing pressure on private rescue operations.

Any member state that signs up to the declaration will be making a commitment to continue „enhancing the capacities of coast guards of southern Mediterranean third countries,“ at the same time as encouraging „full respect of human rights in those countries.“

One key means for assisting with the activities of non-EU coast guard agencies is „EU-led aerial surveillance“:

„in order to ensure that migrant boats are detected early with a view to fight migrant smuggling networks, human trafficking and related criminal activity and minimizing the risk of loss of life at sea.“

The EU’s Operation Sophia now has no boats and is largely relying on aerial surveillance to carry out its work. A recent internal Operation Sophia document seen by Statewatch says that:

„Aerial assets will be used to enhance maritime situational awareness and the information collected will only be shared with the responsible regional Maritime Rescue Coordination Centres (MRCC).“

That is likely to be the Libyan MRCC. According to a March 2019 letter (pdf) from the European Commission to Frontex’s Executive Director, the Italian MRCC also acts as a „communication relay“ for its Libyan counterpart.

Member states are urged to contribute assets to these surveillance operations. It is noteworthy that the declaration contains no call for states to provide vessels or other equipment for search and rescue operations.

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Mission gescheitert

Die EU-Staaten üben sich in der Flüchtlingspolitik im Nichtstun. […]

Die Agenda von Europas InnenministerInnen war dicht gedrängt: Bei ihrem Treffen in Luxemburg am Dienstag diskutierten sie die «innere Sicherheit» des Kontinents, besprachen die Gefahr von rechtem Extremismus, verabschiedeten Massnahmen im Kampf gegen die sexuelle Ausbeutung von Kindern. Für ein anderes Thema blieb nur am Rand beim Lunch Zeit: die Migrationspolitik. Dabei hätte es durchaus Gesprächsbedarf gegeben.

Kürzlich hatten Italien, Deutschland, Malta und Frankreich beschlossen, jene Geflüchteten, die vor der libyschen Küste gerettet werden, nach einem festen Schlüssel zu verteilen. Die «Malta-Vereinbarung» soll für sechs Monate gelten – und bei steigenden Ankünften jederzeit gestoppt werden können. In Luxemburg hätten sich weitere Länder anschliessen sollen – wenn sie denn wollten. Viel zu erwarten war vom Treffen ohnehin nicht. Ernüchternd war die Botschaft zwischen den vielen wolkigen Ankündigungen dennoch: Eine solidarische Verteilung wollen die meisten Staaten auch weiterhin nicht. Statt von Zusagen war nur noch von einer «Standortbestimmung» die Rede. […]

Die Vereinbarung von Malta ist als Zeichen gegen den Rechtspopulismus wichtig, doch sie nimmt nur einen Bruchteil der Flüchtenden in den Fokus und ist letztlich nicht mehr als Pflästerlipolitik. Denn 85 Prozent gelangen derzeit selbstständig nach Italien, sind also vom Mechanismus ausgenommen. Hinzu kommt, dass die meisten Menschen gerade sowieso in Spanien oder auf den griechischen Inseln ankommen. Mit ihrem Mechanismus hinkt die «Koalition der Willigen» der Realität also ohnehin hinterher.

Im östlichen Mittelmeer setzt die EU aber weiter auf ihr Abkommen mit der Türkei, die Europa die Flüchtenden gegen fürstliche Bezahlung vom Leib hält. Nun soll es dafür noch mehr Geld geben. Dies ist besonders stossend, weil das türkische Regime nun militärisch gegen die KurdInnen in Nordsyrien vorgeht, was noch mehr Menschen in die Flucht treiben wird. […9

WOZ | 10.10.2019

Keine Wende in der europäischen Migrationspolitik, sondern ein Flopp